On the eve of the French Revolution
Charles de Montesquieu, the French philosopher and man of letters of the Age of Enlightenment, died 250 years ago. All his reflections and books were dedicated to an analysis of existing laws, the development of social institutions, and the principles of law. In 1728 Montesquieu was elected to the French Academy and shortly afterward he journeyed throughout Europe. Of special importance to him was his stay in England, where he attended sessions of the House of Commons and was happily surprised to hear open criticism of the government’s policies, which was permitted to the opposition parties in parliament and to the press. Such freedom was unthinkable under the absolute monarchy in his native France and in other countries. Montesquieu devoted his further life to reading, reflection, and painstaking work on his writings that would soon win him European acclaim and have a noticeable impact not only on culture but subsequent European history.
Montesquieu’s first well-known work is Persian Letters, a vivid and sharp satire that lashed out at the morals and manners of the day. The hero, a fictitious Persian traveler, describes the political and religious superstitions of French society in the 18th century, the religious wars, the Inquisition, the Roman pope, absolute monarchy, etc. As Voltaire said, Montesquieu himself thinks and compels others to think.
Montesquieu’s most important work was The Spirit of Laws in which he states: “Laws in their most extensive signification are the necessary relations derived from the nature of things.” These relations can be detected and investigated. They depend on the type of governance, climate, size, geography, population, local manners, morals, and customs. This is the “principle of the relativity of state institutions,” whereby the world of laws is particular in any given country. Montesquieu thus established a link between types of government and national psychologies.
One of Montesquieu’s key ideas is the principle of division of power; in his opinion, it is necessary to distinguish between the power to make laws, the power to implement decisions of nationwide importance, and the power to judge crimes or lawsuits of separate individuals. Montesquieu’s concept had great democratic content and has not lost its importance to the present day. It should be noted that The Spirit of Laws was entered in the Index Librorum Prohibitorum, a list of books prohibited by the Catholic Church, whereas it was especially popular in the United States.
Montesquieu’s freethinking ideas also applied to religion. He believed that religion, like civil laws, must strive to make good citizens. For example, it should recommend labor, temperance, and honesty to people rather than a contemplative lifestyle or idleness, for observing the rules of social life and human responsibilities is the best way to win Divine benevolence. From this point of view any religion (even a false one) is a guarantee of man’s honesty. On the other hand, the truest and most sacred dogmas may have gruesome consequences if they do not correspond to the principles of social life, and conversely, the most mendacious dogmas can yield excellent results. If any historical religion - Christianity, Judaism, or Islam - is more preferable than the rest, then it is so only inasmuch as this religion can serve to soften morals and manners, not because it is more or less truthful. Montesquieu saw no danger even in atheism; in his opinion the moral principle, its essence being empathy and justice, is inherent in people. Christianity is useful because it helps to soften morals and manners and develop civic virtues.
Montesquieu was convinced that religious principles become extremely pernicious if they are used in politics. Religion must be protected from the arbitrary rule of the state; rulers must not meddle in inter-church disputes if they do not disturb the public peace. Nor was Montesquieu very supportive of upholding only one religion in the state. The source of religious discord and religious wars throughout history is not the existence of many religions but the spirit of intolerance inspiring that religion, which considers itself predominant. Intolerance is nothing more than aberration and decay of the human mind.
In the religious sense an individual must be independent of the state. Overcoming religious animosity does not mean the forcible establishment of religious homogeneity but withdrawing the religious sphere of life from the coercive power of the state.
Below are some ideas formulated by Montesquieu, which have become aphorisms.
If triangles made a God, they would give him three sides.
What orators lack in depth they make up for in length.
The experience of many centuries shows that anyone vested with power tends to abuse it and that he moves in that direction until he reaches the limit.
The severity of the laws prevents their execution.
Useless laws weaken the necessary laws.
In the matter of taxes, it is necessary to consider not what the people can give but what they can always give.
It is necessary to study much in order to know a little.
Every citizen is obliged to die for his homeland, but no one must tell lies for its sake.
Financiers support the state as a rope supports a hanged man.
Liberty is the right to do whatever the law permits.
There is nothing more annoying than seeing how a well-said word dies in the ear of the fool to whom you said it.
Laws are spider webs through which big flies pass and little ones get caught.
The best method for instilling love of homeland in children is for this love to be in their fathers.
If there is no respect for elders, there will also be none for fathers.
Laws must have the same meaning for everyone.
Sometimes silence itself is more expressive than any discourse.
When people chase after wit, they catch only foolishness.
People, like plants, grow badly unless properly tended.
They who love to inform themselves are never idle.
One must begin with making a bad subject in order to make a good slave.
